The vote had a few other interesting aspects.
The only nationalist candidate won less than 2% of the vote, clearly showing that the political preferences of Ukrainian society are much closer to the centre.
Yuriy Boyko's good performance in the east is a reminder that one has to be national to win, so he and the hardline pro-Kremlin policy are on the melting iceberg as well. She may become a partner of convenience for Zelensky, who has no grass roots representations and is more present online than offline. Once defeated in the presidential campaign, it is likely that she will become a loser in the parliamentary elections as well, unless she conveniently sides with the victor. Her connection with the younger generation of voters looks more superficial, demographics are bad for her traditional base in smaller towns. Yulia Tymoshenko has suffered probably the biggest political defeat of her career. A strong resentment of political authority runs in the political culture in Ukraine as the after-effect of many years of totalitarian and colonial repression, making the job significantly more difficult for any incumbent. All is not lost for Poroshenko he has a devout support base, but he clearly needs to win new supporters, and this will not be easy. During his term, Poroshenko relied on the multiple deals he struck with other oligarchs and his corrupt circles to be able to exercise his political power, to the extent that many of his supporters began to doubt his ability to continue on the reformist course should he win the presidential race. Poroshenko's role in the orthodox autocephaly may be historic, but he lost support beyond the conservative base and never gained complete trust there either, which was reflected in low voter turnout in areas where he previously performed well. In 2014, he started as a partner of civil society and a centrist integrator, but eventually moved closer to the traditionalist conservative platform and, while technically still reformist, he often turned against the motions he publicly supported. Petro Poroshenko has narrowed his base in the second half of his presidency. And as Kolomoysky is bitter at being the first of the oligarchs to be pushed out of the system, while others are still playing, Zelensky now comes as revenge against those who punished Kolomoysky. Igor Kolomoysky's media were behind Zelensky’s rise to where he is today. And last but not least - Volodymyr Zelensky may have a political debt to pay to billionaire oligarch Igor Kolomoysky, who was the governor of Dnipro when war with Russia broke out.
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The prospect of victory for Mr Zelensky is creating a stressful uncertainty among many Ukrainians, who are not sure whether they will have to go back to the manual mode of keeping the government within a coherent corridor on major policy issues. Zelensky has energised voters of different kinds and acts like a blank canvas upon which his voters project their expectations. His remaining support comes from young voters, predominantly those who feel that the entire political system is failing them. The paternalist rhetoric and Soviet-style jokes of Mr Zelensky and his inner circle have made him a viable candidate. Some comes from nostalgic pro-Soviet voters, who do not see a capable candidate representing them. Part of his support comes from civil society activists, who are appalled at the way Petro Poroshenko is conducting his presidency. He has a cheerful group of supporters with strikingly different backgrounds. Volodymyr Zelensky is a newcomer and it is difficult to say where exactly his political stances are. But the biggest surprise was the landslide result of Volodymyr Zelensky, a stand-up comedian and actor, who, technically a political outsider, managed to secure 30% of the popular vote in Ukraine. The incumbent, Petro Poroshenko, managed to get into the second round, something that has not happened in Ukraine since the 1990s. The presidential elections in Ukraine brought the first round to a dramatic finale. The General Political Aspects of the Elections Yevhen Hlibovytsky, Hanna Shelest and Sergej Sumlenny have a close look at the general outcomes, foreign and security policy related issues as well as sociological aspects.
After the first round of the Ukrainian presidential elections we asked three authors to analyse the outcomes from different perspectives.
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